Here lies the future, if only these elites could be distracted from regarding their own reflections in the sparkling windows of Garden City shopping mall. Fountain , pp. Mkuki Na Nyota , pp. Whitechapel Art Gallery , pp. Oxford , pp. This article certainly makes good reading; I have found time to read it all. It however taps into some problematic territories which I want to pick up and respond to.
I cannot do it in one post. I will do it in several of them as and when time allows. Let me start off this way:. Trowell was aware of this. Responding to Kakande: Thanks for your comment. What I find interesting about the quote you mention is what it reveals about many Europeans at that time They also assumed that everyone ought to have a visual culture; if not, then it could and should be stimulated through education.
Craft, Critique, Culture Conference
Did she think that Sam Ntiro painted differently because he was chagga, for example? And what did she make of the extraordinary Gregory Maloba, a Kenyan who depicted baganda household Gods in a style he explicitly claimed was influenced by the British Epstein? Thanks again, DC. DC, Thank you for getting back to me.
You are here
But I will let others comment on the specific questions in your recent posting. The literature, written by Trowell herself, is available. Her students were probably uninterested in their traditions until later, after WWII, when the anti-colonial movement swept through the Protectorate which Uganda was as distinct from the Colonies in Kenya and Tanganyika.
In one instance, as Trowell was grappling with the issues of the description and probably meaning of local traditions, she had a discussion with one of her students. Also, in one of her publications Trowell recalled being told that parents did not send their children to be instructed in what they the parents knew already meaning local traditions. Two, and as a result of one above, Trowell improvised her curriculum in two ways as she grappled with the question of how to bring traditions on board and probably dodge the question of competing conceptions of national identity : First she relied on oral narratives from several parts of the Protectorate as a traditional[ised] resource to inspire her students work and learning process.
Thank you for giving men the opportunity to make this point. Until later, I rest my case on this point. Fig 3: Bembe mask by unknown artist. Fig 6: Death by Gregory Maloba Fig 7: Maloba with bust Unknown, David Cecil is a consultant and film-maker with an interest in eastern Africa. Like this: Like Loading J said: This article certainly makes good reading; I have found time to read it all. David Tilapia said: Responding to Kakande: Thanks for your comment.
10 Of The Best Kenyan Writers
Kakande F. J said: DC, Thank you for getting back to me. Kakande, F. Subscribe to our mailing list for quarterly free updates. We aim to provide a community of ideas for these artists. We welcome your input and contributions. Corporate sponsorship of the arts: Friend or foe? The conversation emerged in the aftermath of the biennale with online art publications publishing a series of articles. No one put the government's view in the early s more succinctly than the Secretary of State for Social Service, Patrick Jenkins, in a television interview on working mothers: "Quite frankly, I don't think mothers have the same right to work as fathers.
If the Lord had intended us to have equal rights, he wouldn't have created men and women. These are biological facts, young children do depend on their mothers.
While it was perhaps overkill to draw on both creationism and biology to make his point, in the political rhetoric of government ministers and other New Right ideologues, the old enthusiasm for biological determinism was given fresh vigour by the fashionable new sociobiology.
This at the height of the struggle of the feminist movement to bring women out of nature into culture, a host of greater or lesser socio-biologists, their media supporters and new Right politicians joined eagerly in the cultural and political effort to return them whence they came. Read the case study of women's work in the Philippines that follows Case Study 1 and then answer these questions:.
What factual information about women's work in the Philippines can you extract from this case study? What principles about women's work in the Philippines emerge from these facts? Do these principles coincide with those obtaining in your own society?
Theoretical Perspectives on Gender and Development
Have the facts in the case study caused you to change your assumptions about women's work? Based on the data and your own experience, what explanation or theory would you develop of women's work? In the mids, Gelia Castillo noted that about 60 percent of the women in the rural areas of the Philippines were engaged in agriculture or related activities, such as fishing, an increase from the figure of In roughly two decades from to , the proportion of all Filipinos in agricultural and related activities decreased from about 59 to 55 percent, and the proportion of all women and girls over ten years old decreased slightly more from It is also possible that farm women were counted differently in the s, if, as may people contend, agricultural women are generally underenumerated, the s figures could reflect greater accuracy Castillo did not address this issue in her study.
Of these agricultural women, the vast majority are crop workers in rice and com farming, and the burden of the women's work is in non-mechanized tasks such as weeding and transplanting. These are activities that can be done in a relatively short span of time, so they are compatible with the major household duties for which the women are also responsible.
The kind of work Filipinas do helps to explain why there are substantial seasonal variations in the agricultural employment of women. Castillo notes, for instance, that the. A detailed study of time allocation in rural households in Laguna, a province of the Philippines, showed that mothers were less involved in agricultural activities than either fathers or children.
On the average, the women in the sample spent slightly over one hour a day on pre-and post-harvest activities, vegetable production, livestock raising, and the like — men and children spent well over three hours a day on these same activities — but the 5 percent of the women in the sample who reported that their primary occupation was farming averaged about three and one-third hours a day on farming alone.
Overall, farming and non-farming women in this rural area spent an additional seven and one-half hours on household work or home production. As in most countries, rural women are among the most economically disadvantaged people in Filipino society. There are more unpaid family workers among women than among men, and almost 90 percent of all male unpaid workers in were in the rural areas and engaged in agricultural work.
Despite this general condition, however, both rural and urban Filipinas are viewed by a number of scholars as having considerable status and power compared to women in other Asian countries, and Filipina influence extends to important decision-making roles in agricultural matters. Justin Green, for example, noted that women are better educated than men, and he has also argued that women have a good deal of behind-the-scenes or privately exercised power.
People who think that the traditional method of reckoning kinship and the prevalence of bride price or dowry are indicators of male-female status might note that historically, Filipinos have traced kinship through both parents and bride price has been common whereas dowry prevails in India. For rural Filipino women, a practical consequence of this relative equity is that the sexual division of labor is not as rigid as in many societies.
Women can handle a plow if necessary, and a husband will do the cooking if his wife is away or do the laundry if his wife has just delivered a child. The theorizing process both uses and produces knowledge. Androcentric theories generate knowledge that embodies the assumptions of these theories and ignores the experiences and perspectives of women. One of the tenets of feminist theorizing is that knowledge should be formulated from a broader base of experience.
Thus, a new, more comprehensive, more all-encompassing knowledge is built up through feminist theorizing.
Such theorizing seeks to provide a more complete representation of women's realities. As Sandra Harding expressed it,. Knowledge is supposed to be based on experience, and the reason the feminist claims can turn out to be scientifically preferable is that they originate in, and are tested against, a more complete and less distorting kind of social experience. Women's experiences, informed by feminist theory, provide a potential grounding for more complete and less distorted knowledge claims than do men's.
Other Subject Areas
Harding's analysis represents a feminist-standpoint theoretical approach. Like others, feminist-standpoint theorists have their own assumptions. They assume there is an objective reality that can be made better if women's experiences and knowledges are added to mainstream or androcentric epistemologies. Postmodernist-feminist theorizing supports the investigation of women's experiences and knowledges as a basis for creating new feminist-informed knowledges.
This approach differs from feminist-standpoint theorizing in several ways. Postmodernist-feminist theorists do not assume there is a complete, coherent reality to which women's experiences can be added; rather, they assume there are multiple realities and experiences. Postmodernist-feminist theorists see these experiences and their influence on the generation of knowledge as fluid, contingent, diverse, and historically and culturally specific.
They do not argue that feminist claims are scientifically preferable, as they are more sceptical about the faith placed in rationality, objectivity, and science. However, they support the position that knowledge claims should be formulated from a broader base of experience and should recognize that women's experiences will differ across race, class, culture, and sexual orientation.
Thus, there are diverse feminist theoretical approaches. Although they converge on the core issue of women's subordination, they differ in their assumptions about the causes or sources of that subordination. These differences reflect the richness of women's lives and the need to integrate the experiences and knowledges of women in the South, as well as all women in the North, if we are to move toward a more inclusive, sensitive theorizing about both women's subordination and their power. Hilary Rose's remarks in Box 6 illustrate some of the new thinking of feminists in the South and North.
Staying Alive by Vandana Shiva is a marvellous example of the ways that feminists relate to theory, using it as a resource in the defence of both women and nature. First the book is written from within a struggle of the Chipko women to defend the trees on which their lives depend. While without the mass movement there would be no story, it is also a story in which her skills as a scientist are integral. Her account of the struggle is a story of transformation She makes solid technical arguments about what is happening to the land and the water.